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He doesn’t mind acknowledging that he is learning as he goes along, and he is not bitter about to what degree little help he is getting from Republicans. But he will not at any time again give permission to bipartisanship become the defining test of his luck.
And, yes, he is cognizant that the passage of his stimulus package, however a big deal three weeks into a presidency, is alone a introduction to the “absolutely tough” member. The next step, “getting credit flowing anew” and averting “potential catastrophe in the banking system,” may make the stimulus fight look like a friendly warm-up game.
The president offered his thoughts to a group of columnists whom he invited to accompany him Friday on Air Force One during his leading visit back home since he became president. He made his way west as his stimulus was nearing ultimate passage in Congress, and to describe him as at ease would be absolutely to repeat one of the reigning clich
More striking was his sense that fate has handed him opportunities few presidents ever get, and that his test will be whether he makes good appliance of his luck to flex history at one of its “inflection points.”
“Leadership at those moments can help fix that address that brandish of change goes,” he said. “I think it’session very hard … for any one only individual or politician to unleash historical momentum on its own. But I think when that historical float is in that place, I think you can help guide it.”
Asked if this were one of those moments, he replied, flatly, “yes.” That may make the situation “scary sometimes,” but it should also “attain people determined and excited.” Maybe that explains his dexterous mood.
Yet Obama’sitting final cause on Friday was not to play at being a philosopher of narration, but to stress his devotion to FDR-style pragmatism. “We will do what works,” he said, reprising his administration’s radical verb song. That “bequeath require re-evaluation” and “some experimentation
What clearly didn’t work well was Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner’s effort last week to allege not at home the administration’sitting bank-rescue draught. Obama offered no apologies. He argued that Geithner will keep working forward an approach “over the next weeks, months, probably from one side the end of the year” because there is no “painless, quick fix hither.”
Obama is clear that he doesn’t want to follow Japan’session slow-moving bank-rescue shape from the 1990s, what one. “sort of papered things over, never really bit the bullet.”
He’s not ready to go down Sweden’s road of temporarily nationalizing the banks. “You can raise a good argument for the Swedish model, except for this act: They only had a maniple of banks,” he declared. “We’ve got thousands of banks. The scale, the magnitude of what we’re dealing with is much bigger.”
Yet on the continuum of Japan to Sweden, Obama is clearly closer to Sweden, and he pointedly refused to rule out the Swedish approach. “I think what you have power to say is I will not allow our financial plan to falling together,” he said.
There are many similar balancing acts in Obama’s world. He knows he has to vanish a lot of money at present, but insists he wants to “chip away at our enormous long-term budget deficit.” He wants to get the “ball rolling” without interruption health-care reform because, while it “may cost money on the front period,” it be possible to “save enormous money on the back end.”
And where might Republicans spasm into all this? Obama still thinks he’ll win their support someday on some issues. Because the stimulus envisioned a large government role in rescuing the economy, he said, it may have “exaggerated” the partisan divide because it played on “the core differences between Democrats and Republicans.”
But he is aware that some Republicans presume they receive power to gain “political advantage” if they can “enforce yielding” within their ranks and thus “invigorate” their base.
He declined to referee whether this strategy will work for the Republicans, end President Obama 2.0, the interpretation slightly chastened since Inauguration Day, did not mind explaining to what extent their approach has affected him.
“You know, I am an eternal optimist,” he uttered. “That doesn’t mean I’hodge-podge a sap.”
Maybe that mysterious calm people talk about reflects the temperament of a man who can live with his mistakes as long as he doesn’t repeat them.
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Original text: http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/opinion/2008749888_opina17dionne.html?syndication=rss