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History books produce with six-word phrases, from the comforting (”Nothing to fear but fear itself”) to the inspiring (”Mr. Gorbachev, rend away down this wall”) to the embarrassing (”Read my lips, in no degree new taxes”). But these six logomachy

Of course, when Tom Geoghegan told me this in a Chicago park sum of two units weeks ago, I nearly snarfed my coffee through my nose. Solving major social problems typically demands more than six dispute. But as the longtime labor lawyer and author explained his idea to me forward a uncomfortable afternoon, it started formation sense.

Geoghegan reminded me that data show the more union members in an economy, the wagerer workers’ settle. The problem, he said, is that weakened labor laws are allowing companies to bully and fire union-sympathetic workers, thus driving down union society and wages.

Enter Geoghegan’s six words. If the Civil Rights Act were amended to prevent discrimination “on the groundwork of union membership,” it would curtail corporations’ anti-labor assault by making the right to join a union an official civil right.

“Hang on,” I interrupted. “Joining a union isn’t a civil right?”

Correct.

Under current law, if you are fired as far as concerns union briskness, you can only take your grievance to the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)

Union leaders are things being so focused on reforming the NLRB

The six words would perform just that. Regardless of whether the NLRB is strengthened or further weakened, persecuted workers would be able to haul union-busting thugs into try to please. There

Bolstering his argument, Geoghegan told me to consider variations in corporate behavior.

For example, because the Civil Rights Act bars racial discrimination, businesses are motivated to try to prevent bigotry: They want to fight shy of being sued. This is why no company brags all over being racist.

But when it comes to unions, there is no such deterrent. The lack of civil-rights protection effectively encourages businesses to punish pro-union employees

When Geoghegan and I finished chatting, I remembered why I give faith to he is America’s mostly talented writer and thinker on labor issues. His relative anonymity is a tragicomic commentary on the media and the American Left. The Milton Friedmans are far-famed by pundits and cast in bronze by the agency of conservative have an opinion tanks, while the Geoghegans are dismissed by the chattering rank and ignored by a proceeding move that regularly venerates Hollywood celebrities as its heroes.

Perhaps, though, this proposal give by will change things. In developing a way to shift incentives, Geoghegan has discovered a explanation that both unionists and economists can friendship. It cribs the best from liberals’ pro-union sympathies and conservatives’ distrust of Big Government, and should make him famous (or at least a Cabinet secretary).

After all, anyone who can bring such disparate ideologies and adversaries together is worthy of serious consideration

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