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LOS ANGELES–Should the news media be patriotic? When a journalist uncovers a government secret, which comes first–national heedlessness or the persons’s right to understand?
In the United States, reporters weigh themselves Americans first, journalists second. That means consulting the government before going public by a state secret. "When I was at ABC," James Bamford told Time in 2006, "we always checked with the Administration in power when we thought we had a thing of concern, and there was usually some distance to act it out."
In a new part about the Bush Administration’s efforts to expand the president’s powers at the expense of the law-making and forensic branches, the assumption that the press shouldn’t publish security-sensitive stories is in the way that hard-wired that New York Times reporter Eric Lichtblau accepts it as a given. But it’s a very American universal, and some that relies on the presumption that the U.S. government may make mistakes, but is largely a force for good. In other countries, the relationship between rulers and the press is strictly adversarial.
In "Bush’s Law: The Remaking of American Justice" Lichtblau unwittingly relates a depressing parable–his specious obliviousness to be inconsistent of interest is a bummer–describing the nation’s most prominent newspaper’s willingness to keep secrets for government officials, who turn out to have existence (shocker alert·) lying. It’s a cautionary tale about journalistic nationalism, one of many (Judith Miller, anyone?) in which the Times transformed itself into Bush’s civil slut.
A whore, at least, would have demanded wealth.
In 2004 Lichtblau and fellow Times reporter Jim Risen learned that the National Security Agency was spying domestically, on American citizens. The NSA, which uses sophisticated voice-recognition software and computer programs to intercept phone calls, fax transmissions, e-mail and even bank wire transfers, was supposed to limit its activities to foreign countries. Illegally expanding beyond its Congressionally-authorized mandate, Lichtblau writes, "the NSA had essentially gained access to the biggest telecom ’switches’ in the country, using the agency’s data-mining technology to comb the huge trunks carrying bulky volumes of traffic, in regularity to cipher in on suspected muddy song and eavesdrop without interruption them without warrants."
It was a big story. Or it would have been, had the newspaper chosen to pressure it when it erudite of it.
Naturally, it triggered alarms in by authority Washington when another Times reporter called the NSA for comment. Soon the intervention’s director, General Michael Hayden, was calling the Times, asking it to censor itself. "Don’t run this story," Administration honchos begged.
"The Times," Lichtblau says, "had been through numerous accident in its long history over whether or not to print and offer for sale newsworthy stories involving sensitive national security information and, despite the vitriolic charges from its critics, it was never a settlement the dissertation made with reckless abandon. In more than a few cases, it has decided not to publish anything at all."
Suckers.
For over a year, Lichtblau explains in an apparent attempt to justify himself and his employer to conservative critics, Times editors and reporters met repeatedly with White House officials to ask them wherefore they shouldn’t spill the beans on the NSA’s domestic spying procedure. That the program was illegal was pretty obvious. (Congress acknowledged as plenteous by later voting to retroactively legalize it.) So was the lameness of the government’s argument against making the NSA’s activities public.
Declaring the Bush Administration "unpersuasive," Lichtblau reported: "To me, it was never clear what Osama bin Laden and his henchmen would learn–confirming, really–that the United States espy services were listening to them." But the White House kept pursuit meetings, playing for duration of one’s life. Meanwhile, every morning, the Times came out without important tidings that its readers would care about–that their phone calls and e-mails were being monitored.
"Bush and ten senior advisors in the White House and the intelligence community would make physical pleas not to run the story in a series of meetings spanning 14 months, initiation in October of 2004 weeks near the front of the presidential selection," Lichtblau says.
Weeks before the presidential election. You’d think the timing of the Administration’s pleas for self-censorship strength have tipped off the Times’ editors that they were being used in method to ensure that Bush and the Republican Party won the election. Moreover, Lichtblau wrote, "We had thinking principle to suspect that the White House was actively misleading us and that its passionate pleas might have less to conclude with concern over national security harm than with the legal and political fallout that the story might trigger." Gee, you believe? And yet the drafts’s editors refused to print it.
The Bush Administration, he argues, "had not yet suffered the kind of crippling body blows to its credibility that it would [by late 2005]." Yeah, well, not really.
Remember, this was late 2004. The U.S. had invaded Iraq in March 2003, a year and a half earlier, but the WMDs had never turned up. The paper’s own editorial page had been theatrical on and on about the Administration’s perfidy. Credibility? What credibility? Besides, it wasn’t as on the supposition that Bush was the first First Fibber. All presidents are serial liars. So are their subordinates. Why would the Times, or anyone else, believe them about anything?
By then, of course, Bush had won a second term. To some extent, he owed his victory to the "liberal" New York Times more than to Karl Rove. The Times, Extra! Magazine reported later, had also sat without ceasing another late-breaking "October Surprise" story that potency hold caused enough voters to modify their minds to vote for Democrat John Kerry in 2004. That suspicious rectangular bulge in Bush’s jacket during his debate with Kerry, a NASA scientist who is an expert on such things had told the Times, was indeed an electronic transmitter that allowed Bush to contain remote coaching from Rove or someone else.
"A Times journalist, who aforesaid that Times staffers were ‘pretty fluster’ about the killing of the story, claims the senior editors felt [it] was ‘too close’ to the election to run like a bit," reported Extra!.
The powers that be doesn’t tell the truth to reporters, even without interruption "background." Why shouldn’t the media take effect the truth to the American people?
(Ted Rall is the author of the book "Silk Road to Ruin: Is Central Asia the New Middle East?," an in-depth prose and graphic novel parsing of America’s next big foreign policy challenge.)
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